Dear Mr. Secretary-General:
We, writers, artists, journalists, lawyers, researchers, Genocide survivors, and university professors from Africa, North America, Latin America, the Caribbean, Europe, the Middle East, and Asia unite our voices to respectfully urge the United Nations not to repeat the tragic error of judgement as it did during the genocide perpetrated against the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994. From the grave ongoing events in the Eastern region of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), which have their roots in history, a single narrative emerges that condones the exclusion of the Tutsis from the Congolese community, as well as the real risk of their extermination as is being openly advocated for by certain Congolese political players. This present conflict, as abominable as it is, cannot be reduced to a single cause. Rather, it is the result of an explosive and complex mix of political, social, and economic tensions that have gradually crystallized into an identity crisis and armed conflict.
It is therefore imperative to obtain an immediate ceasefire to preserve human lives and pave the way for a political solution. The best way to achieve this goal is certainly not to fixate on the risk of fragmentation of the DRC, and on the particularly simplistic accusation that Rwanda is supporting the M23 for the sole purpose of exploiting natural resources in DRC. This misguided interpretation, widely relayed by the media, ignores the atrocities being committed in broad daylight against Congolese Tutsis who are killed, mutilated, and sometimes devoured by their executioners. Such a single interpretation reinforces exclusion, exacerbates tensions, and fuels hate speech.
We hereby invite you to give priority to finding a lasting solution that addresses the root causes of this conflict. In our view, this is the best way to ensure stability of the Great Lakes region, and the security and well-being of millions of men and women who want nothing more than the right to live in peace.
We also consider it important to identify the main armed forces on the ground, as well as their objectives and political philosophy. The M23 faces the Congolese army, which is supported by the Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda (FDLR) that were designated by the United States government as a terrorist entity due to their genocidal ideology. The Wazalendo, made up of over 200 other armed groups, also make no secret of their determination to exterminate the Congolese Tutsis. In addition to European mercenaries, troops from Burundi, South Africa, Tanzania, and Malawi are also among the combatants fighting alongside the Congolese army. The FDLR and Wazalendo armed groups organise the forced recruitment of child soldiers, in addition to exploiting Congo’s natural resources, and spreading terror through mass rape and brutal killings. The United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO), has unfortunately strayed from its peacekeeping objective by closely associating itself with these dangerous armed groups that are maintained by the DRC government.
Mr. Secretary-General,
The Congolese Tutsi population have lived in present-day DRC well before the division of Africa by colonial powers and the subsequent formation of modern nation states. Yet they have faced numerous forms of discrimination, exclusion, and systematic massacres since the Belgian Congo’s independence, and this treatment has left its mark on their psyche. For three decades, hundreds of thousands of Congolese Tutsi have been forced to live in refugee camps in Burundi, Uganda, Kenya, and Rwanda. This conflict will continue to escalate as long as the question of the nationality of Congo’s Banyarwanda population remains unresolved. UN resolutions alone are derisory in the face of such an existential threat.
We would also like to point out that the tragedy experienced by the Banyamulenge, the Tutsis of South Kivu, in no way corresponds to the simplistic narrative that is being imposed on the world. The M23 emerged outside the traditional territories of the Banyamulenge, in places where mineral resources are negligible. And yet, for over seven years, the Banyamulenge have been subjected to attacks by the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) and various ethnic militias such as the MaiMai.
In North Kivu, the genocidal FDLR forces have committed all kinds of atrocities against the Congolese Tutsi with complete impunity. On the contrary, with the complicity of certain Congolese politicians, the FDLR have exploited the minerals and timber of the DRC, collected taxes in the regions under their control, and forced Tutsi civilians to seek refuge in neighbouring countries.
Mr. Secretary-General,
A careful study of the complete history of the region will demonstrate that the emergence of the M23 is not the cause but is rather the consequence of systematic denial of the civil and human rights of the Tutsi population and excluding them from full participation in the DRC society. Tanzanian leader Julius Nyerere knew what he was talking about when, in 1996, he emphasized the indissolubility of the inhabitants of this part of Africa: « (…) it is useless, » he said, « to respect borders without respecting the individuals within those borders (…)” Consequently, when addressing the question of respect for the border established between Germany and Belgium, it is essential to also consider respect for the populations affected by this division.”
We can deduct from all this that the emergence of the M23 is not the cause but the consequence of the Tutsi question in the Democratic Republic of Congo. We submit the following particularly significant facts for your consideration:
– Three years after Congo gained independence in 1960, the Nande leader Denis Paluku proclaimed the sovereignty of North Kivu against Kinshasa. His Rwandophone colleagues opposed him and advocated for the unity of Congo. In response, Paluku decided to send a punitive expedition to Masisi. Tutsis were arrested and executed in Kiroshe. In those days, the M23 did not exist.
– In the 80s, Congolese Tutsi students were molested on the Kinshasa Campus to cries of: « Long live Zairean nationality! Death to the usurpers of our nationality! A leaflet also called for « the snakes (Tutsi students) who want to bite us to be eradicated everywhere and, in their entirety. » It also read: « All the literature recognizes that the Tutsis in Zaire are immigrants and therefore should not enjoy the same rights as the genuine sons of this country. » In those days, the M23 didn’t exist.
– In 1991, Congolese Tutsis were banned from taking part in the Conférence Nationale Souveraine, on the pretext that they were not « Zairian. » At that time, the M23 did not exist.
– During the Second Republic, especially from the 1980s onwards, Rwandophone Tutsis were eligible to vote, but not to stand for election. In those days, the M23 did not exist.
– The constitution of the Democratic Republic of Congo has been amended more than seven times, each time in connection with the Rwandophone question. In those days, the M23 did not exist.
Recent attacks on Tutsi civilians and the killing of thousands in the Kivu region are ample evidence for the creation and existence of the M23. It is clear to us that the international community is making a potentially devastating mistake in imagining that the elimination of a single rebel group and the imposition of sanctions against Rwanda will suffice to restore peace in eastern DRC and resolve the historic discrimination against the Congolese Tutsis.
The alliance between the Congolese army, MONUSCO, the Wazalendo, and the FDLR has contributed to the increased militarisation of the region and widespread hatred against the Tutsi. Such a military and ideological alliance reinforces a kind of perpetual war and pushes a little farther away every day the peace that the UN organization claims to seek.
Mr. Secretary-General,
If there’s one lesson to be learned from this conflict, it’s that the alliance between the Congolese State, MONUSCO, the Wazalendo and the FDLR has contributed to the increased militarisation of the region and to stir up hate against Tutsis. Such a military and ideological alliance reinforces a kind of perpetual war and pushes the peace that your organisation claims to seek farther away every day. Thabo Mbeki clearly understood this situation when he sounded the alarm in 2012 about the risk of a long-lasting conflict, with these almost prophetic words: « If the Congolese government does not protect the Congolese Tutsis, then the M23 will continue to exist, because they will have weapons to defend themselves.”
In our view, for lasting peace and security in DRC and the Great Lakes region, it is necessary for the United Nations to:
– Re-examine the mission and the need for MONUSCO, as it is currently constituted and deployed.
– Re-examine the causes and consequences of the United Nations’ failure to prevent and stop the genocide of the Tutsi in 1994, alongside the current management of Eastern Congo, especially considering the findings of reports like « Rwanda: The Preventable Genocide » from the African Union, compiled by an International Panel of Eminent Personalities, the Mucyo report, the Duclert report, and the Muse report.
– Address Rwanda’s security concerns by disarming the FDLR and combatting the genocidal ideology that they have been spreading in the region since they committed the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda.
– Review the numerous agreements between the DRC government and the M23 to determine what has prevented their implementation.
– Discontinue and discourage any military support for the DRC government if it continues to call on genocidaires, mercenaries, and militias whose political program is limited to the extermination of the Tutsi.
– Appoint a UN representative who has credibility with all parties in the eastern DRC conflict to play a mediation role that can promote peace by involving local communities.
– Reaffirm the legal principle of the inviolability of national borders, linking it to the inalienable right of Tutsi populations to own their ancestral lands where they can live in security as full Congolese citizens.
– Guarantee the security of all minority groups in the DRC by encouraging the value of education that promotes an understanding of Congolese identity through the prism of the individual citizen rather than tribal/ethnic affiliation.
– Set up a neutral international commission to investigate mining contracts, as well as practices relating to the exploration, exploitation, marketing, and financing of rare earth minerals, agricultural, and forestry products in the DRC.
– Encourage and support the peace initiatives of religious institutions such as the Conférence Nationale du Congo (CENCO) in collaboration with the Église du Christ au Congo (ECC), and the Association des Conférences Episcopales de l’Afrique Centrale (ACEAC).
Mr. Secretary-General ,
We expect you, unlike your predecessor in 1994, to take every available measure to eliminate the perils threatening defenceless civilians who are being targeted only because they are Tutsis. We believe that a less tendentious and narrow analysis of the situation in the Kivu region is urgently needed as a prerequisite for any lasting solution. We cannot stress enough that the exclusive focus on the M23 and Rwanda encourages venomous discourse among the increasingly bold extremists who find social media an effective means of popularising their extermination ideology.
The United Nations apologized to the victims of the genocide that was perpetrated against the Tutsis in Rwanda in 1994, but there is every reason to fear that 32 years later it may be forced to apologize again to the victims of the genocide in preparation against the Tutsi in the DRC.
We urge you to assume your responsibilities in the face of the threats to which we have drawn your attention. It’s not just the fate of the people of the Great Lakes and their need for security that is at stake, the credibility of the United Nations and its commitment to universal human rights are also at stake.
Mr. António Guterres, United Nations Secretary-General, United Nations Headquarters
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